This is what our democracy is all about

From: Pete Buttigieg <democraticparty>
Date: Mon, Jun 3, 2019 at 11:44 PM
Subject: This is what our democracy is all about
To: <lednichenkoolga>

No matter who the eventual Democratic nominee for president is, we’re going to need a strong team to win in 2020.

Join us.
pixel.gif?r=0d67c51161261f3e1259a49b59026ee5642d6a86&Name=fundraisingThe following message is a part of our 2020 Presidential Candidate Series. For more information, see below.

Only a forward focus anchored by our shared values can change our national politics and our nation’s future. That’s why I want to be your Democratic presidential nominee and the next president of the United States.

I am committed to giving our country the fresh start we need. But no matter who the nominee is, we need a strong DNC to take back the White House and win seats up and down the ballot.

It’s going to take millions of Democrats coming together to share our message, organize voters, and get out the vote so we can win the White House, take back the Senate, and flip state legislatures and local offices next year — that’s no small task.

That’s why this election is going to be won by all of us. It’s what our democracy is about, and that’s exactly why the DNC’s Democratic Unity Fund is so important.

Please make a $3 contribution that will be split between my campaign and the DNC’s Democratic Unity Fund today.

DONATE: $3
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Or donate another amount.

The forces of change in our country today are tectonic. That’s why, this time, it’s not just about winning an election — it’s about winning an era.

This is one of those rare moments between whole eras in the life of our nation. Such a moment calls for hopeful and audacious voices from communities like ours.

No matter who the eventual Democratic nominee for president is, we’re going to need a strong team to win in 2020.

By donating today, you’ll send a strong message that you’re not only committed to one candidate or campaign, but that you’re committed to making a difference for our country.

Donald Trump’s campaign has already raised over $150 million for his reelection — to have any chance to keep up with him and build a better future for our nation, I need you to support the Democratic Unity Fund today.

Donate $3 directly to my campaign and to support the incredible work the Democratic National Committee is doing to make sure Democrats can win across the map in 2020.

Thank you.

Pete

P.S. The Democratic nominee for president will need a strong Democratic Party. That’s why I’m asking you to split a $3 donation between my campaign and the DNC today — so we can build an organization that can take on Trump and Republicans up and down the ballot.

Our 2020 Presidential Candidate Series is just one way we’re working to help our supporters hear directly from the Democratic candidates for president.

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Commit to hosting a Austin Debate Watch Party

From: Team Kamala <info>
Date: Mon, Jun 3, 2019 at 10:31 PM
Subject: Commit to hosting a Austin Debate Watch Party
To: Olga <LEDNICHENKOOLGA>

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Olga,

This is an exciting month for the campaign. We know Kamala is at her best when she’s speaking directly to the American people. Whether she’s launching her campaign to a crowd of 22,000 in Oakland, questioning the Trump administration in a Senate committee hearing, or taking questions directly from voters at a town hall, it’s clear: the debates are going to be a moment where she shines. That’s where you come in.

Can we count on you to host a debate watch party in your area, Olga?

COMMIT TO HOST

We want as many people as possible to watch her at the first debate in late June. That’s why supporters like you will be hosting watch parties across the country when Kamala takes the stage. We’ll give hosts everything they need to have a successful watch party, including a toolkit with instructions on everything from signing people in to picking a location.

Since we don’t know which date she’ll be debating, right now all you have to do is commit to hosting and list your availability! We’ll be in touch with next steps. Are you ready to watch Kamala take the debate stage?

COMMIT TO HOST

Can’t host but want to watch with supporters in your area? No worries — once we know who’s hosting a watch party, we’ll help you find the watch party closest to you.

We know Kamala will make us proud up on that debate stage. Can we count on you to step up and commit to host a debate watch party?

— Team Kamala

PAID FOR BY KAMALA HARRIS FOR THE PEOPLE

This email was sent to LEDNICHENKOOLGA. You received this message because you are subscribed to Senator Kamala Harris’ mailing list.
You can adjust your email preferences here, or unsubscribe from receiving further emails here.

Someone just viewed: Fwd: Someone just viewed: FAREIENDS I ADMEET THAT RIGHT NOW OLGA NOR KNOWS ITALIAN AND FRENCH LANGAUGESS LIKE AJAY DOES, BUT IN SMALL MOMENTS, SHE WOULD BECMES EXAPRT ON EVAN THESE ASPECTS TOPICS AND SUBJACTS AND WILL DEFEAT AJAY SUCH EEEZILIEE

https://www.google.com/search?q=FAREIENDS+I+ADMEET+THAT+RIGHT+NOW+OLGA+NOR+KNOWS+ITALIAN+AND+FRENCH+LANGAUGESS+LIKE+AJAY+DOES,+BUT+IN+SMALL+MOMENTS,+SHE+WOULD+BECMES+EXAPRT+ON+EVAN+THESE+ASPECTS+TOPICS+AND+SUBJACTS+AND+WILL+DEFEAT+AJAY+SUCH+EEEZILIEE&pws=0&gl=us&source=lnms&tbm=isch&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwiE27Pz0s3iAhVVaCsKHSdfDkoQ_AUIEigD&biw=1229&bih=603#imgdii=B6zPQC-CcWiXBM:&imgrc=JiMTZVu6_YCSfM:

Watch Today: President Clinton and Secretary Clinton discuss disaster response and resiliency efforts

From: Diandra Hayban <reply-to>
Date: Mon, Jun 3, 2019 at 8:30 PM
Subject: Watch Today: President Clinton and Secretary Clinton discuss disaster response and resiliency efforts
To: <ajayinsead03>

Watch, Listen, Read, Follow. Four ways to learn about our recovery efforts in the Caribbean

Clinton Foundation
ajay,

June marks the beginning of the Atlantic Hurricane Season. The Clinton Foundation is working with partners to help Puerto Rico, the U.S. Virgin Islands, and the Caribbean better prepare for storms and increase their ability to combat climate change.

It’s with the support from you that we and our partners in the Clinton Global Initiative Action Network can sustain hurricane recovery efforts, help to strengthen communities, and work to build a strong and prosperous future for the Caribbean.
Today, President Clinton and Secretary Clinton will convene the fourth meeting of the Action Network in the U.S. Virgin Islands. Here are four things you can do to learn more about our efforts in the Caribbean:

Listen To The Podcast
Read The Story
RSVP For Facebook Live
Follow Along @ClintonFdn
I hope you’ll join us in spreading the word!

Diandra Hayban
Deputy Director of Commitments
Clinton Global Initiative

Support Our Work
The Clinton Foundation improves lives across the United States and around the world by creating economic opportunity, improving public health, and inspiring civic engagement and service.
The Clinton Foundation has received top ratings from three leading charity evaluators: Charity Navigator, CharityWatch, and GuideStar. The Foundation is also accredited by the Better Business Bureau. These ratings help you know that we make the most of every single dollar that you contribute.

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HELLO EMAMNUEL AND FRANCE – THIS IS A GOOD ARTICLE France’s President Emmanuel Macron | Ludovic Marin/AFP via Ge tty Images FacebookTwitterLinkedIn EmailCommentPrint PARIS — Forget Emmanuel Macron’s idea of a “Jupiterian” pr esidency. The French leader has become an Achilles, an all-conquering hero with a potentially fatal, hidden weakness. Ma cron has been playing a dangerous game: By turning last week’s European Parliament election into a duel with the far r ight, he turned his party into the only alternative to the populists. This strategy, which allows Macron to suck votes f rom the center left and center right, has led a number of pundits to already predict his victory in 2022, when France go es back to the polls to elect a new president. But look at the small print of how and where people voted in last week’ s election, and you’ll see why Macron’s strategists should instead be worried. The resignation on Sunday of Laurent Wauquiez, the leader of the center-right

GettyImages-1140911914-1160x773.jpg

France’s President Emmanuel Macron | Ludovic Marin/AFP via Getty Images

PARIS — Forget Emmanuel Macron’s idea of a “Jupiterian” presidency. The French leader has become an Achilles, an all-conquering hero with a potentially fatal, hidden weakness.

Macron has been playing a dangerous game: By turning last week’s European Parliament election into a duel with the far right, he turned his party into the only alternative to the populists.

This strategy, which allows Macron to suck votes from the center left and center right, has led a number of pundits to already predict his victory in 2022, when France goes back to the polls to elect a new president.

But look at the small print of how and where people voted in last week’s election, and you’ll see why Macron’s strategists should instead be worried. The resignation on Sunday of Laurent Wauquiez, the leader of the center-right Les Républicains party, is another clue.

The obvious — but insufficient — answer to the question of who “won” the European election last week, is Marine Le Pen. The far-right leader’s National Rally took 23.3 percent of the vote, just ahead of Macron’s “Renaissance” list with 22.4 percent.

Head candidate of the Europe Ecologie Les Verts (EELV) green list Yannick Jadot | Stephane de Sakutin/AFP via Getty Images

There was also an unexpected, and significant, swing to the Greens, who won 13.4 percent. No other party reached double figures.

The result was embarrassing for Macron, but the real threat to his presidency lies elsewhere. Like Achilles, he is vulnerable in an unexpected way.

Although Macron’s 2019 voter base (22.4 percent) is almost exactly the same size as his 2017 voter base (24.1 percent), the difference is that his party is no longer France’s “new center.” It is metamorphosing into a new center right.

In commune after commune, Macron racked up high scores in well-heeled, bourgeois areas that until recently were the fiefdoms of conservative heavyweights and former presidents Jacques Chirac and Nicolas Sarkozy.

In 2017, Macron was, in spirit at least, the candidate of a young, optimistic, aspirational France. Exit polls last Sunday showed a shift in Macron’s voter base from the center to the center right, from the aspirational to the wealthy, from the young to the old.

A survey of voters by Ipsos-Sopra Steria showed that 27 percent of people who voted for the center right in the first round in 2017’s presidential election decided to cast their ballot for Macron in last week’s European election. Simultaneously, 14 percent of Macron first-round voters cast their ballot for the Greens and 11 percent went with the center left.

His highest score in last week’s election — 33 percent — was among people over 70, as younger, metropolitan ex-Macron voters moved to the Greens in droves. He lost 6 percentage points among 18- to 24-year-olds and 11 points among voters aged 25 to 34.

Most strikingly, Macron’s list piled up scores over 40 percent in wealthier western arrondissements of Paris and suburbs like Neuilly-sur-Seine, the wealthiest commune in France. The poorer, younger, more bourgeois-bohemian eastern parts of Paris migrated massively from Macron to the Greens and the center left.

The danger is that his new base — the 20 percent plus that he’ll need to reach the second round of the presidential vote in 2022 — no longer fits the trade description of Macronism, which, like him, is supposed to be young, energetic and mold-breaking.

This is what makes him uniquely vulnerable: His base is at risk of being squeezed if Les Républicains — the “old center right” that his election nearly annihilated — comes back to life ahead of the presidential election.

The old conservative-Gaullist party may not look like much of a threat at the moment. The political family that dominated French politics for 60 years until Macron’s victory in 2017 got a lamentable 8.48 percent of the vote in last week’s election.

But Macron can’t rest easy.

Laurent Wauquiez has quit as leader of Les Republicains | Philippe Lopez/AFP via Getty Images

Les Républicains’ abject rout prompted the controversial Laurent Wauquiez to quit as party leader on Sunday, calling the election results a "failure." This gives the center-right party an opportunity — an imperative, some might say — to reconstruct itself over the next three years under new leadership and rid itself of the lingering aftertaste of the financial scandals, internal warfare and ideological wandering of the Sarkozy and post-Sarkozy years.

A couple of sidelined center-right leaders — Valérie Pecresse, the president of the Ile de France region, and Xavier Bertrand, the president of the northern Hauts de France region — will fancy their chances of reinventing the Gaullist tradition as something more conservative and even in more respects more centrist than “Macronomics.”

The results of last week’s European poll suggest that a large segment of the young, metropolitan, leftist and ecologically minded electorate wants a new kind of politics. They no longer believe that Macron will provide it.

Without them, the president will need to hold on to his new conservative and new old voters to survive the first round in 2022.

Much will depend on what happens with the French economy. If it continues its modest revival, all should be well for Macron. Unemployment has fallen to 8.4 percent, the lowest for 10 years.

But if it stumbles in the next three years, he could be in trouble.

Macron’s strategy has been too successful. By blowing up the Wauquiez Républicains, he has cleared the space for a dangerous new rival in 2022.

John Lichfield is a former foreign editor of the Independent and was the newspaper’s Paris correspondent for 20 years.

Thanks in Advance,
Sincerely
Ajay

Macron is worried about the end of the world; we’re worried about the end of the month.”:::What’s Left of the Left? The European Elections and the Rise of the Greens :: In April, Jadot made it clear that his movement was not o ne of the left, bluntly saying, “Ecology isn’t the left,” and that he’s “an ecologist, not a social democrat.” That there’s nothing necessarily left-wing about green parties, and the environmental movement more generally, was am ply demonstrated by Mark Lilla in his December 2018 essay on the French New Right in The New York Review of Books. Lilla described how the French right has adopted environmentalism, inspired by the 2015 papal encyclical Laudato si, “a com prehensive statement of Catholic social teaching on the environment and social justice.” Going back to the land is now as right-wing as it is left.

What’s Left of the Left?

The European Elections and the Rise of the Greens

By Mitchell Abidor







For the past 29 weeks, every Saturday in France has centered on the demonstrations of the yellow vests. The left, the right, and the politically unclassified and unclassifiable have participated in these demonstrations, which have at times descended into violence on the part of either the demonstrators or the supposed forces of order. Whatever the politics of the participants, there has been one common denominator: bottomless hatred for French President Emmanuel Macron.

The right believes that Macron is turning France over to European bureaucrats and opening its doors to immigrants; the left views him as the president of the rich. To all who protest, and not only them, he is someone with no understanding of, or concern for, the average French citizen. And so, every week like clockwork, he has been reviled and insulted at weekend marches across France.

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The European elections, which took place May 23–26, could not have come at a worse time for Macron. The elections would be a plebiscite on Macron’s rule, and the opposition saw them as a golden opportunity to humiliate him. The situation was ripe for a political turning, and the further growth of the far right seemed certain. A transformation of French and European politics was in the offing.

Except it wasn’t. Marine Le Pen’s far-right Rassemblement National came in first, narrowly edging out Macron’s La Republique en Marche, but the two parties finished first and second in the first round of the 2017 presidential elections as well, and their shares of the vote barely moved. Le Pen’s party rose from 21.2 percent in 2017 to 24.52 percent in 2019, while Macron’s party fell from 24.01 percent to 22.84 percent. This was hardly an earth-shaking swing—after months of calling Macron’s leadership into question, the president’s opponents had hoped for far more. There is a cliché that applies here, at least at the top: plus ça change, plus c’est la même chose.

The most significant shifts, however, occurred below the top. France’s traditional center-right party, Les Républicains, dropped precipitously from 20 percent in 2017 to 13.05 percent. The left-wing La France Insoumise saw an even sharper collapse, falling from 19.58 percent to 7.94 percent. The Socialist Party, allied with the new Place Publique movement, held steady around a miserable six percent. The moribund Communist Party had hopes of returning to the stage with its dynamic young leader, Ian Brossat, but the party failed to gain a single seat, and fell below the three percent of the vote needed for the government to cover their electoral costs. An already cash-strapped party is now deeper in the hole. Yet the French Greens, who in 2017 allied with the Socialists, refused to do so in 2019 and more than doubled the score of their erstwhile allies, receiving 13.47 percent of the vote—a 50 percent increase from their share in the last European elections, although still a drop from their best result, the 16.28 percent they received in the 2009 European election. The same trends were evident elsewhere in Europe, with old-line conservatives falling before the onslaught of the Euroskeptic right, while the already weak left lost out to green parties, the real victors in Europe.

YVES HERMAN / REUTERSEmmanuel Macron arrives at a summit in Brussels following the European elections, May 2019

HARD TIMES

In tough economic times, with immigrants and immigration prominent among their concerns, French and European voters sought answers in three directions: more of the same, a further slide into right-wing nationalism, and the vagaries of the green parties. Few were interested in the solutions offered by the left. The European United Left/Nordic Green left, the left-wing group in Strasbourg comprising parties like Greece’s Syriza, Spain’s Podemos, and La France Insoumise, lost 14 seats and is now the smallest group in the European Parliament.

Analyses of the decline of the left tend to examine the personalities and messaging of the leaders of the various parties. Robert Zaretsky, in his analysis of the French political scene in Foreign Affairs, pertinently examined the ideas motivating the campaign of Raphaël Glucksmann, the left-wing Place Publique leader and joint Socialist/Place Publique candidate. Glucksmann opposed neoliberalism and Macron’s acceptance of the unfettered will of the market, and insisted that France needs to “reweave the bonds that keep us together,” bonds smashed by the advances of twenty-first-century capitalism.

Zaretsky also describes Glucksmann’s “unexceptional” public appearances, and their effect on his ability to got his message across. He writes that his “rumpled clothing style—black jeans, open-necked shirts—and unshaven visage match his rumpled speaking style.” No one, Zaretsky writes, “expected [Glucksmann] to rival the titanic [Jean] Jaurès,” the greatest leader of the Socialist Party, who was assassinated on August 1, 1914, as World War I was beginning.

Yet problems with style and leadership have played only an ancillary role in the decline of the left. Zaretsky’s use of Jaurès as a point of comparison sets the bar high, but it also sets it in a different world, one that barely resembles the world of today. If the left in France, Europe, and indeed around the world has declined to irrelevancy, it is largely because it has remained tied to a vision of reality that no longer obtains. The left has become a mass of typewriter salesmen: it is selling a product that, although fine in its time, is outmoded, and which no one wants anymore.

Jaurès was a titanic figure because he was the greatest voice of a mighty movement expressing the will of a rising class, the industrial proletariat, with a great future before it. That world is dead and buried. If Glucksmann’s clothing were well pressed and his speeches dynamic, would his message inspire the masses to vote for socialism as they once did? How could it, when everything upon which socialism was historically based, and which still serves as the foundation of left-wing politics today, has been obsolete for decades?

In the 1960s, thinkers of the New Left such as Herbert Marcuse and Cornelius Castoriadis theorized that the working class was no longer the engine of social change, that it had been co-opted into the system. Originally capitalism’s most ferocious enemy, the working class had become its strongest prop. And they were right: from Brexit to Le Pen to U.S. President Donald Trump, workers now constitute a substantial part of the right-wing base. Yet the left—those parties whose goal remains that of an egalitarian society, a goal the Socialist Party abandoned long ago—continues to act as if its base is still in the working class. It speaks to a fictitious working class of ideas and ideals, such as the shared interests of workers across borders, that are worthy and noble and that men like Jaurès once advocated, but which now fall into a void.

The shrinking of the working class, and its turn away from the left in favor of bitter nationalism and xenophobia, is not new. Why this turn has been ignored or dismissed by the left is a question perhaps best answered by the writer and philosopher George Steiner, in an essay for the Winter 1990 issue of Granta. Writing just as the Soviet bloc was beginning to collapse, Steiner argued that although Marxism had wrought “intolerable bestiality,” its most fundamental error—what he called its “hideous misprision”—was a “terrible over-estimate of man’s capacities for altruism, for purity, for intellectual-philosophic sustenance.” He went on to say that despotism’s collapse was “the vengeful termination of a compliment to man.”The optimistic illusions of the left have been replaced by the dark imaginings of the nationalist right.

What Steiner said about Eastern Europe applies three decades later to the West as well. The left, however, cannot accept that its vision of the proletariat is based on a misprision—that the highest ideals of the working-class movement, of internationalism, brotherhood, and self-sacrifice for the common good, do, can, or will motivate the mass of society. The ideas, or more accurately sentiments, currently in the air have nothing to do with solidarity and inclusivity and the building of a better world. The optimistic illusions of the left have been replaced by the dark imaginings of the nationalist right. A world in which it was said that workers have no country has been replaced by one in which each nation places itself above all others. The Internationale has given way to what Mel Brooks, in his comedy sketch “The 2000 Year Old Man,” said were the words of his cave’s national anthem: “Let ’em all go to hell except cave 76.”

LE FOND DE L’AIR EST VERT

If the left is in terminal decline, what to make of the success of the green parties in much of Europe? The German Greens moved into second place, receiving 20.5 percent of the vote, and the French Greens, who didn’t even run a presidential candidate in 2017, moved to third place. Is this a sign of the left’s rebirth?

Not really. The Greens’ project is not to revive the traditional left but, rather, to bring about change while bypassing the working class and the socialist ideology of which it was the center. Having rebuffed any alliance with the Socialists, French Greens leader Yannick Jadot spoke on French radio of how “our leaders remain prisoners of the old world.”

In fact, although the Greens loudly sound the alarm for the safety of the planet, there is something safe and unthreatening to the existing order in their program. When Jadot spoke of the issues that existing parties fail to address consistently, he spoke of “animal suffering, pesticides, climate change, the transitioning of energy, [and] air pollution.” Inequality and social injustice figure nowhere on this list. The dangers of climate change are all but undeniable and must be confronted. Doing so, however, may be easier than dealing with the intractable divisions within society—between the rich and poor, the haves and the have-nots.

In April, Jadot made it clear that his movement was not one of the left, bluntly saying, “Ecology isn’t the left,” and that he’s “an ecologist, not a social democrat.” That there’s nothing necessarily left-wing about green parties, and the environmental movement more generally, was amply demonstrated by Mark Lilla in his December 2018 essay on the French New Right in The New York Review of Books. Lilla described how the French right has adopted environmentalism, inspired by the 2015 papal encyclical Laudato si, “a comprehensive statement of Catholic social teaching on the environment and social justice.” Going back to the land is now as right-wing as it is left.

Lest we forget, a green measure of Macron’s—a tax on gas aimed at moving France toward cleaner energy—sparked the yellow vest movement to begin with. To think that other measures aimed at fighting climate change, but affecting the jobs and purses of ordinary people, will meet with a more positive reception would be naïve. As one of the yellow vests’ slogans went, “Macron is worried about the end of the world; we’re worried about the end of the month.”

The green movement is not an alternative left at all. That is its strength as an electoral force. But its aims are limited ones, and Europe is left without an alternative to the victorious market. The European elections show that the hopes of those, such as Glucksmann and those yellow vests who thought that their marches and demands would result in a reordering of the society and the economy, will remain unfulfilled for a long time to come.